Charles Austin Beard November 27, — September 1, was an American historian, writing primarily during the first half of the 20th century.. Wherever you stand on the issues, understanding elite theory is muy muy Charles A. Beard is far more nuanced than the. In this lesson, we will examine Charles Beard's interpretation of the U. We will learn who Charles Beard was and what he thought.
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Historian Charles Beard's controversial interpretation of the framing of the United States Constitution was based on his view that the Founding Fathers were. Beard in An Economic Interpretation extended Becker's thesis down to in Charles Beard, Framing the Constitution. Start studying Charles Beard's interpretation of the origins of the Constitution.
Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools.. Beard thought that the constitution was just a document written by the rich, whose only motive was protecting their wealth and property. An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States conservatives such as william howard taft were shocked at the progressive interpretation because it seem to belittle the constitution. Listing relevant coursework on resume and Our day out coursework essay Beard - an economic interpretation of the Constitution of the United progressive interpretation of the era was largely replaced by the intellectual history approach that stressed the power of ideas, especially republicanism, in stimulating the revolution.
Summary of Charles Beards "Framing the Constitution. Essay | Bartleby
In an economic interpretation of the constitution, charles beard  history professors, however, mostly adopted it and by it became the standard interpretation of the era among them, but was largely ignored by the legal community. What was Charles Beard's interpretation of the U.
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Constitution if the founders were merely protecting their economic interests, beard and his progressive friends were justified in supporting the redistribution of wealth. An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States the first historian to challenge the motives of the founders was charles beard in an economic interpretation of the constitution of the united states But I think the real reason Beard quoted so heavily is that he hoped to take himself out of the line of fire by letting the Framers speak for themselves.
Am I being paranoid when I suspect that it was the very persuasiveness of Beard's quotations that caused his critics virtually to ignore them and concentrate their fire on his highly vulnerable economic data? All those quotations convince me that the Framers thought bondholders, land speculators, and private creditors believed they were suffering under the Articles of Confederation--and that a principal aim of the Constitution was to rescue them. Indeed, as Beard points out, John Fiske who has always been placed at the opposite pole of Constitutional interpretation from Beard had made essentially the same claim in The Critical Period of American History a quarter century earlier.
Similarly, Orin Libby had shown in his book, A Geographical Distribution of the Vote of the Thirteen States on the Federal Constitution, that the strongholds of Anti-Federalism were the very regions that had backed the sort of debtor and taxpayer relief legislation such as paper money that the Constitution banned. Which, for me, leaves only one question: When the Framers handed this windfall to the owners of personalty, to what extent were they motivated by the fact that they themselves owned so much of it?
Beard does say though not everyone believes him that his point is not that the fifty-five Federal Convention delegates were only lining their own pockets.
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Rather, they were looking out for the interests of the personalty-owning class as a whole. That is an even more damning indictment, if you ask me, just as President Bush's titillating ties to Enron are actually less troubling than his bias in favor of the entire oil industry. But that still leaves the problem of the leading Framers like Hamilton and Madison who owned little personalty. Were they simply exceptions to the rule?
Beard might have found an answer to that question if he had recalled that bondholders and private creditors were not the only ones who thought the state legislatures had given debtors and taxpayers too easy a time. People with no immediate stake in the contest worried that debt and tax relief had caused "moneyed men" to refuse to lend anything more--either to the government or to individuals.
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Yet another group of Americans--arguably the majority--believed the assemblies were too harsh on debtors and taxpayers, but that is another story. Beard was certainly correct that bondholders, including those who sat in the Convention, liked the Constitution because it would, for the first time, give the general government the tax revenue it needed to redeem their bonds.
But he forgot that this provision was equally popular among nonbondholders who simply wanted to restore the government's credit rating. And many Americans, especially in states that imposed heavy direct taxes because they lacked ports at which to levy tariffs, correctly predicted that allowing the federal government to collect an impost would reduce its annual demands on farmers and other payers of direct levies.
‘Charles Austin Beard’ Review: The Enemy of Empire
Beard's insinuation that most middle-income taxpayers opposed the Constitution is simply incorrect. Many of them loved it. Likewise, Article I, Section 10 won the enthusiastic support of creditors, as Beard showed. Yet it was also popular among people--among them James Madison--who wanted to be able to obtain loans.
As Jefferson had told Madison in explaining why he was unable to borrow any money for him in Paris, would-be creditors knew that if they and Madison ever landed in a Virginia court, the judges' "habitual protection of the debtor would be against" the investors. It was not worth the risk. Thus the fundamental right for which Madison and others were contending as they traveled to Philadelphia was the right to be sued.